People's Democracy

"The SPF is a genuine search where forces of Marxist thought coincide with the great contribution made by approaches inspired by liberation theology, democratic radicalism, or a social Left without well-defined ideological enclaves. Nevertheless, although the SPF has no clear socialist definition, and although not all of its member organisations sanctify this goal in their manifestos, there is a general consensus on rejecting the current capitalist order whose fundamental driving force is profit at the expense of social justice. This stance implies progress towards equality between all men and women as a starting point, this being contrary to global tendencies.

"This consensus within the SPF has been articulated in the construction of what we call an `alternative model' to the neo-liberal model which currently dominates globalisation. The latter has taken place under the hegemony of dominant forces and capitalist countries that, since the 1970s, have been guided by neo-liberal concepts, policies and programmes. This makes the process of globalisation exceedingly contradictory and conflictive. On the one hand, scientific and technical advances open up new possibilities and opportunities to reach new levels of progress and development and to solve humanity’s problems; conversely, however, globalisation driven by neo-liberalism and the dominant forces in the world today, is the background against which inequality, polarisation and natural destruction all increase."

"The continuity of the social protest -- and its radicalisation in some countries -- unfurls in a context of acute socio-economic crises, marked for most of the region by recession, adjustment plans, the slow down of economic growth, foreign indebtedness, and the attempt to strengthen neo-liberal policies (privatisation, deregulation, labour flexibility, etc.) This situation comes with the increase of repressive measures, measures for social control, and the criminalisation of poverty and protest actions.

"The combination of these three processes (social protest, recession and adjustment, repression) has unleashed a series of crises in the political-institutional regimes, situations of non-governance and even of serious democratic setbacks. This shows the shortcomings of the current system for meeting the basic social needs, as well as the growing lack of legitimacy of the ruling elites."

"The September 11 attacks in the United States undoubtedly alter the international political situation, as this provides them with a new pretext to consider themselves as guardians of the international imperialist system and intensify their role as such. The nature and characteristics of these events, combined with its magnitude in terms of civilian deaths and damage to some of its symbols of power, has created favourable conditions in the United States for its political, media and military machinery to carry out its hegemonic plans with greater impunity."

"The many varied responses of the people faced with the worsening of the social situation in the continent; the increase of class struggle, the demonstrations of civil disobedience and of popular responses, as well as the development of many powerful social movements (trade unions, peasants, indigenous people, women, neighbourhoods, cultural organisations, youth, NGOs, etc.) that act as true coordinators of anti-neo-liberal resistance.

"The advances of Leftist and progressive forces in several countries, in some of which there are real possibilities of their ascension to power in the next few years, will require the Leftist forces to be ready to face what will undoubtedly be the greatest challenge in their history.

"These advances were evidenced in the ascension to power or re-election of Leftist forces in important Latin American cities such as Mexico, Sao Paulo, Porto Alegre, San Salvador, Managua and Montevideo, among others."

"As an expression of their rejection of decades of implementation of the neo-liberal globalising strategy, the most varied forces have come together in the world. The mobilisations carried out during the different summits of government leaders and officials of the most powerful countries is a clear sign of this growing rejection (Seattle, Prague, Quebec, Gothenburg, Genoa) and they were most evidenced in the First Social Forum held in Porto Alegre. Thousands of representatives of social, religious and political organisations met there and drew up an agenda expressing their common interests in favour of an alternative globalisation with well defined postulates. Among these we wish to highlight the following:

• human survival over any other consideration and support only for a type of development that does not harm the environment and is carried out with respect of human rights and the principles of economic and social justice;
• the cancellation of the Third World's and the poorest countries' public foreign debt,

• the compliance with the Kyoto Protocol to reduce the emission of contaminating gases and air pollution with its devastating effects on the climate, and
• issues related to education and health care in the world.

"It is evident that although this movement `For a Different Globalisation' has achieved some victories, these are due both to a period of resistance and the internal contradictions among those who promote the current globalisation. Therefore, these victories are provisional, since the G-8 governments, the transnationals and the international financial institutions have the means (among these violence) to continue their pressure to impose inhuman conditions on the peoples of the world. However, we are witnessing a new cycle of struggles and alternative proposals, in a context where things are moving fast, in a transformation process that can gain new momentum in the near future, gain a quicker pace, allowing us to advance in overcoming the organisational and programmatic dispersion that continues to mark the anti-neoliberalism movement. It has not yet achieved its own dynamics, which will be gradually attained as the members of the movement gradually gather strength in their countries, giving a supranational character to the national problems arising from their governments' submission to the imperialist globalisation model.

"The articulation between national and global issues, as well as between political and social issues, are important aspects that must be prioritised and that require the political actors to respect the autonomy and independence of the social forces, just as the social organisations must assess the political dimensions of the issues being faced and the importance of joining forces with the political tendencies that share their goals and concerns in the face of the trends and consequences of the phenomena that characterise today's world."

"It is necessary to analyse the path followed since 1990 as regards the establishment of the Sao Paulo Forum as a space for meetings, exchange of experiences and coordination of political initiatives of the progressive and Leftist forces of the continent in the struggle against neo-liberalism and imperialism, and in the search of alternative solutions, for democracy and its improvement, sustainable development and social justice.

"This path involves not only opposing neo-liberalism, but uniting the forces favouring a change as well as proposing and implementing viable alternatives for building a new social model that guarantees growth with equity and social justice. This will require the progressive forces to reach an agreement to achieve a national, democratic, anti-imperialist, people's government.

"After a fruitful decade of the SPF, we now face the challenge of this new stage: to put forward the general lines of the alternative proposal -- that will be implemented in each country according to their national peculiarities and concrete conditions --, and put in practice taking advantage of the accumulation of forces and the experience that the Left has acquired in several countries.

"Broadly speaking we can state that in a large part of Latin America during the 70s and 80s, the social and political struggle focussed on fighting the dictatorships, for democracy and in defense of human rights. These were mobilisations that had common features although responding to each country's specific conditions, in the same way that the kinds of struggle and the political solutions reached were specific.

"The democracy recovered in the 80s, which was consolidated in different degrees, is now seriously threatened in some countries. The socio-economic crisis, the neo-liberal programmes, the loss of sovereignty, the scandalous corruption in the ruling circles, the electoral frauds, the manipulation of the media, and the increase of repression, have put that recovery of democracy in doubt and demand from the Left, the progressive forces and social movements a permanent effort to defend the rights achieved and to improve democracy, particularly through the mechanisms of citizen control of state powers, of the elected representatives, of direct democracy and people's participation.

"The globalising neo-liberal offensive of the 80s and part of the 90s, the collapse of the so-called `real socialism' and the alleged `end of history' proclaimed by Fukuyama, promoted a sort of hopelessness and a retreat in the political struggle. However, the past decade was also one of intense political and social struggle and of an alternative proposal for the left. In Latin America, this was evidenced in the birth, growth and consolidation of the Sao Paulo Forum as the main permanent space for the convergence of the Latin American left and one of the most important international political spheres in the continent."