People's Democracy

THANKS to the pressure created by an armed struggle in the western parts of Nepal, the country has seen some momentous developments in the recent weeks and is in for even more developments of the kind. On August 22, amid tight security, about 400 people belonging to the untouchable Hindu castes entered the Pashupatinath and Gujheshwari temples for the first time in their lives and offered mass worship there. The two said temples are considered the holiest Hindu temples in Nepal, and the lower castes were denied entry in these temples, and other temples, for centuries.

The mass entry of untouchable castes in these temples was part of the eight-point reforms programme the Nepalese prime minister, Sher Bahadur Deuba, that he recently announced, soon after taking over from Girija Prasad Koirala. The programme itself was, however, no act of magnanimity or charity on part of the Nepali Congress government. It was announced as a prelude to an accord with the communist rebels who rule the roost in about 40 per cent of the territory in western Nepal. Newspapers reported that the march by the low caste Hindus to the temples and their worship passed off peacefully.

Deuba’s announcement in this regard was accompanied by threats of stern legal action against anybody who would try to prevent the lower castes from entering and offering prayers in any temple across the country.

Activists of a number of political parties, social and cultural organisations and human rights groups marched along with the lower castes to the temples, as a mark of solidarity with them. The move was the boldest one in the country’s history since 1924 when slavery was finally abolished. Many of the lower caste people, who have been facing caste-based disabilities, are in fact the offspring of those very slaves who earned their freedom 77 years ago.

Making any caste-based discrimination illegal and punishable under the law, banning the begar (unpaid labour), ensuring fair wages for agricultural workers and effecting far-reaching land reforms are also included in Deuba’s eight-point reforms that he announced under the pressure of the communist- rebels. As detailed in these pages earlier, it was in reality the helplessness on the part of Koirala, otherwise a thorough anti-communist just like the new king, that made him resign from the prime ministership. His resignation and the later events showed that his idea of crushing the rebels by force had had no mass support; otherwise it is believed that he would not have hesitated in using force against the rebels.

The move reminds one of the heroic Telangana armed peasant struggle (1946-51) in the erstwhile princely state of Hyderabad in India, when the communists effected a number of far-reaching reforms in the liberated areas.

On the very next day of the lower castes’ temple entry, the country’s beleaguered government and a three-member delegation of the communist rebels held their first official talks, with the government hoping that the talks would lead to a breakthrough in resolving the six years old insurgency in the country. The first round of the dialogue made little progress, but it was not expected to yield any substantive result either. During the negotiation that continued for more than five hours, the two sides made their respective positions known to each other. They then pledged to continue the talks and are slated to meet in this month again, somewhere in western Nepal.

Chiranjiv Wagel, minister for physical planning and works, led the five-member government team during the first round of the talks that took place at a resort outside the national capital, Kathmandu. The rebel delegation was led by Krishna Bahadur Mahara, a member of their Central Committee. According to a senior minister who took part in the negotiations and spoke on condition of anonymity, the government side promised to hold consultations with the ministers and then reply to the rebel team’s demand for a republican state, a new constitution and an interim government. The official joint statement said "both sides have agreed to resolve the problem through peaceful dialogue."

D N Dhungana, a former speaker of Nepal’s parliament and one of those who drafted the present constitution, was also present during the dialogue, as something like an observer. He also expressed confidence that "if the same cordial atmosphere prevails in other rounds, there will be a peaceful resolution to the problem."

The government’s promise to meet the rebels again came only a day after Deuba’s claim that he would have no compromise on Nepal’s constitutional monarchy that he said was established, along with parliamentary democracy, after a popular movement in 1990. His exact words were: "I don’t want to spoil the atmosphere of the talks, but there will be no compromise over constitutional monarchy."

How long Deuba will be able to defend the constitutional monarchy, in other words the royal family, only time will tell. The fact is that constitutional monarchy was enshrined in the present Nepali constitution ten years ago only as a quid pro quo for a democratic transition. A republican state has been a long-standing demand of the rebels whose activities increased manifold after the abhorrent palace conspiracy that led to the massacre of King Birendra and his family on June 1. The situation not only forced Koirala to resign but also his successor, Deuba, to order a ceasefire and ask the rebels to come for a negotiation.

One thing is certain, that the rebels enjoy widespread support in the country. And this was evident, among other things, from the way their delegation was greeted by common masses on the outskirts of Kathmandu, on the day it reached there for the talks.

In the meantime, different communist groups have initiated talks among themselves for unification of their forces, and the people of Nepal have high hopes about it. It is certain that if the various communist groups active in Nepal unite, that will herald a new era in the history of this Himalayan nation.