People's Democracy(Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) |
Vol.
XXVI No. 08 February 24, 2002 |
17TH TRIPURA STATE CONFERENCE
CPI(M) Accepts Extremist-Secessionist Challenge
Haripada Das
WHATEVER heinous designs the anti-national separatist forces hatch up against the Left Front government, against the CPI(M), against ethnic unity, states progress and prosperity, and above all against humanity, and whoever gangs up with them, the CPI(M) is determined not to give any quarter to these forces. It accepts the challenge to protect the age-old ethnic amity in Tripura and carry forward its struggle for developmental activities in the teeth of all adversities. This was the call spelt out by Manik Sarkar, member of the CPI(M) Polit Bureau, in his concluding address at the partys 17th state conference held on February 3-5 at Agartala.
MASSIVE RALLY
The state conference began with flag-hoisting by veteran communist leader and state secretariat member Dinesh Debbarma on February 3. Prior to that, 6 jathas, named after six legendary CPI(M) leaders --- late Comrades Dasaratha Deb, Bhanu Ghosh, Samar Chowdhury, Ranjan Roy, Bimal Sinha and Ananda Roaja --- congregated in the lawn of the venue from different directions, singing and chanting slogans all through their march. Party leaders, workers and volunteers then paid floral tributes to the martyrs and observed one-minute silence in their memory.
On February 3 afternoon, a massive rally, biggest in recent years, was organised at the Stable Ground, Agartala. Not only the rally site overflowed, even the roads leading to the ground were full of people carrying red flags. Addressing the rally, CPI(M) Polit Bureau member Prakash Karat said Tripura has shown the alternative way by giving an overwhelmingly mandate in favour of the Left Front in 1998 when the BJP-led NDA government assumed power at the centre. The justification of the Tripura mandate has been proved over the last four years at a grave cost to the country --- the centres devastative attacks on the peoples livelihood, on jobs and justice for the countrymen. Playing a fraud upon the people with its call for swadeshi, the BJP has totally surrendered to US imperialism at a time when the US is trying to impose its hegemony on the world and is out to attack any country at its will, in the name of a war against terrorism. Even while knowing that the US has been patronising the extremist outfits in north eastern states including Tripura, the BJP has openly invited US military presence in our country. Karat dubbed the BJP and the Congress as two sides of the same coin and held them squarely responsible for the ongoing misery of the countrymen.
Coming to the state situation, Karat said the Congress in Tripura has not learned any lessons from its electoral defeat due to the misdeeds of its coalition regime and clandestine secret pact with the TNV extremists. Instead, swayed by its madness to somehow come to power, it has now shamelessly aligned with the extremists. Karat was confident that this time also the people of Tripura would reject this unholy pact.
Another Polit Bureau member Manik Sarkar and Central Committee member Aghore Debbarma also addressed the rally. CPI(M) Central Committee member and state secretary Baidyanath Majumdar presided.
After the rally, the delegates session started at Rabindra Shatabarshiki Bhavan. The venue was named "Dasharath Deb-Bhanu Ghosh-Samar Chowdhury Manch" after three departed communist leaders. The presidium elected at the session comprised Anil Sarkar, Bajuban Reang, Manjulika Bose, Khagen Das and Subodh Das. The steering committee was based on Baidyanath Majumdar, Manik Sarkar, Aghore Debbarma, Dinesh Debbarma, Badal Chowdhury, Narayan Rupini, Bijan Dhar, Gautam Das, Tapan Chakraborty, Niranjan Debbarma and Manik Dey.
Out of 367 delegates and 12 honorary delegates, 377 attended the conference. Two ailing state committee members could not attend.
After condoling the death of veteran comrades and remembering the martyrs, the conference honoured the 12 honorary delegates as a mark of recognition of their dedicated contribution to the communist movement. It recalled how these comrades, in their youth, shook the hills and plains of Tripura during the autocratic Congress rule, immensely helped the party in its formative days and then took it to its present strength and status.
SITUATION IN THE STATE
While presenting the draft political-organisational report to the conference, Baidyanath Majumdar stressed how we alone are fighting a pitched battle against the anti-national secessionist outfits that are backed by national and international vested interests. These outfits are, naturally, targeting us. They have not only stepped up their barbaric attacks not only against the common people and trying to torpedo the developmental projects, they have also undertaken a drive to selectively annihilate our leaders and cadres. Since the last conference, we have lost 448 of our comrades because of their attacks.
The crisis further compounded with the coming of a right-wing communal force at the centre. Out of its political motivation, the centre has adopted a non-cooperative attitude towards the state government. The state has been frantically asking for deployment of more security forces for combating the insurgents. But, on the contrary, the NDA central government withdrew a large chunk of the already deployed security forces, crippling the states security. Similarly, the centre has been apathetic about taking up the issue with the Bangladesh government in order to bust the extremist bases in that country. The work of fencing the Indo-Bangladesh border is progressing at a snails pace. The centre's indifferent attitude towards the insurgency problem in Tripura has created a feeling of insecurity among the people.
The most deplorable event was that, emboldened by the centres apathy towards fighting the insurgency in the state, outlawed NLFT extremists and their front organisation (IPFT) usurped the ADC, a constitutional body, at gunpoint. The event was unprecedented in the history of independent India. It took place because of the dubious role of the then Assam Rifles brigadier, B K Panwar, who maintained a nexus with the insurgents to ensure the Left Fronts defeat in the election.
Coming to the economic situation, Majumdar pointed out that, though rich in natural resources, Tripura is not in a position to utilise them due to the lack of infrastructure. During the United Front government at the centre, moves were initiated for infrastructure development and poverty alleviation in the north eastern states through a programme package. But the NDA regime put that package in cold storage. These states, especially Tripura, are the victims of a step-motherly attitude in allocation of the central funds. Development projects proposed by the state government wait for years together for approval and fund allocation. Allocations for social sectors have been drastically curtailed, crippling the states attempts to render relief to the people. Instead, the centre is adamantly pursuing its anti-people moves to downsize the government establishments, hike the charges for power, water, transport, health services, education, etc, impose a ban on fresh employment, stop the lendings from nationalised banks for self-employment schemes, deprive the North Eastern Council of its due share, etc.
In agriculture, peasants, especially rice producers, are being deprived of remunerative prices due to liberal import of rice into the state. A similar crisis faces the rubber and tea producers also. The impact of globalisation and privatisation has adversely affected the job situation and investment in various sectors. The queues of the unemployed, decline in moral values, the hold of consumerism, of superstitions and religious fundamentalism, violent attacks on women, criminal activities, and the like, are on an increase.
The report said the Left Front government implemented a series of development schemes and registered remarkable progress during the last 4 years in the teeth of all these adversities --- financial constraints, the centres non-cooperation, limited security forces, etc. This was due to the efforts of the party and its mass organisations. At a time when the insurgents were frequently carrying out most provocative attacks with a view to triggering ethnic riots in various parts of the state, our main agenda was to maintain peace and tranquility in the state. The CPI(M) had to wage an intensive peace offensive against extremism, with a call to the misguided youth to abandon this barren path, come back to the mainstream and take part in the states development. Alongside, the party also campaigned against the anti-people economic policies, communal agenda and the policy of subordination to the US imperialism pursued by the BJP-led government. In its campaign, the party also exposed the opposition parties nexus with the extremists. The CPI(M) can be genuinely proud of its peace offensive that did yield results and frustrated a section of the hardcore extremists, leading to their surrender. A good number of extremists were killed in encounters with the security forces. For this success, however, the party had to pay very dearly. In this fight the CPI(M) has lost 448 comrades, including 2 state committee members, 14 district committee members and 13 local committee members.
GROWTH OF THE PARTY
Elaborating the party's growth and composition, the report said the number of party members in the state was 32,418 in April 1997; it went up to 38,737 by December 2001. The processes by which party members are inducted were hampered in tribal areas due to extremist attacks. Hence there was a comparatively less increase in the number of tribal party members. Weaknesses in increasing party membership among students could not be overcome. In view of womens big participation in struggles, movements and rallies, there is scope for a bigger increase in women party members. The report stressed the need of proceeding in a planned manner every year to increase the membership. Continuous endeavour should be made to bring the active members of mass organisations and movements to the party fold.
A comparative picture of party membership in mass organisations has been given in Table 1.
The total enrolment in all the mass organisations went up from 8,65,392 in 1997 to 11,72,891 in 2001. Inspite of the multi-pronged attacks, this growth is undoubtedly a remarkable achievement. The class composition of party members at the end of 2001 has been given in Table 2. Table 3 shows the percentage of the members according to the period when joined in the party.
The CPI(M) went through several elections since 1998. Except the ADC general election and one by-election to the same body, the Left Front secured an overwhelming popular mandate in all the elections. It was this popular support that reflected in the growth of party membership and mass organisations enrolment also.
On February 4, Prakash Karat heartily hailed the Tripura unit of the CPI(M) for the death-defying struggle with which its leaders and activists have been strengthening the party as well as the ethnic unity in the state. He expressed hope that the party would amass similar strength all over the country and forge the Left and democratic unity.
Having elaborated the post-September 11 world scenario, Karat said the 16th CPI(M) congress had stressed on intensifying the party's struggle against both imperialist globalisation and insurgency because they mutually aid each other. While imperialism patronises terrorist outfits, the terrorists try to exploit the discontent arising out of the imperialist-dictated policies.
Regarding the national scenario, Karat noted the similarity and difference between the BJP and the Congress. Both are trying to subvert the federal structure and multi-party democracy of the country, capitalising on the weakness of the Left and democratic forces. In these circumstances, Karat said, there is no alternative but to intensify the struggle against both the BJP and the Congress, and with this aim in view, the CPI(M) must chalk out an appropriate plan at its next congress to expand its own base and influence countrywide for the sake of strengthening the Left and democratic unity.
A total of 51 delegates participated in the discussion in full three sessions. They pinpointed the weaknesses in the party and made valuable suggestions in a self-critical and constructive manner with a view to consolidating the party and expanding its mass base. They stressed on the need of a more vigorous political-ideological campaign against terrorism and on exposing the anti-people policies of the Congress and BJP. They also stressed on intensive ideological schooling for party members, and on the need to adhere to communist morality that underlined the rectification campaign.
The conference elected a 74-member state committee, with 9 new faces. The committee was also given the right to co-opt one member later. In turn, the committee unanimously re-elected Baidyanath Majumdar as its secretary. It also elected a 14-member state secretariat, including one new comrade. The conference elected 25 delegates and 2 observers for the 17th party congress.
The conference adopted resolutions on extremist attacks and imperialist aggression, on womens empowerment, against the policies of liberalisation and privatisation, condemning atrocities on the Dalits, for maintaining peace in the state, and in favour of protecting secularism, national integrity and federal character of the state. A resolution urged the people to vote for the CPI(M) candidate in the ensuing Lok Sabha by-election.
The conference concluded with the delegates singing the Internationale.
TABLE 1
Party Membership In Mass Organisations
Front | 1997 |
2001 |
Trade Union |
1936 |
2488 |
Kisan Sabha |
4024 |
4631 |
Ganamukti Parishad |
5412 |
5473 |
Agri. Workers |
2869 |
3436 |
Women |
3509 |
4807 |
Youth (DYFI) |
6036 |
6582 |
Youth (TYF) |
2074 |
2347 |
Students (SFI) |
579 |
528 |
Students (TYF) |
266 |
170 |
SC Coordination |
1230 |
1887 |
Cultural |
254 |
162 |
TABLE 2
Class Composition of Party Member at the End of 2001
(per cent)
Workers |
18.01 |
Agricultural Workers | 28.21 |
Poor Peasants | 29.32 |
Middle Peasants | 5.37 |
Rich Peasants | 0.20 |
Non-Farmer Middle Class | 4.92 |
Middle Class | 12.32 |
Others | 1.64 |
TABLE 3
Members According to the Period They Joined the Party
(per cent)
Before 1947 |
0.01 |
Between 1947-64 | 0.43 |
Between 1965-76 | 3.19 |
Between 1977-85 | 17.88 |
Between 1986-95 | 34.58 |
After 1995 | 43.90 |