People's Democracy(Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) |
Vol.
XXVI
No. 20 May 26,2002 |
THE
problem with fascisms is they lack their own respectable nationalist icons;
Hitlers and Mussolinis have enjoyed more notoriety than respect and love of
their people. Present day right-wingers in Europe are trying hard to win
national status; at best, however, Europeans in their bid to turn the tide of
liberalism have latched on to conservatives who will abide by the political
institutions built by the liberals. At the other end of the political spectrum,
Lenin, Che Guevara, Mao, Ho Chi Minh, Nelson Mandela and Castro have been loved
by the people even as ruling classes have hated them.
In
India, Gandhi, Nehru, Bhagat Singh and a host of other leaders, many of them
communists, have attained great status in people’s hearts. Not one among those
whom the Indian people have revered does one find a communalist, a religious
fanatic. This has been the frustration of right wingers for the last three
quarters of a century.
APPROPRIATING
Despite
claiming to be the truly and only nationalists in the entire political spectrum
the Indian rightist are unable to
produce a single name that is recognizably and acceptably of a national leader
or freedom fighter. By turns they have tried to appropriate Bhagat Singh, Tagore,
even Ambedkar, and approvingly eulogized some aspects of thoughts or actions of
Tilak, Lala Lajpat Rai, Sardar Patel, Malviya and so on, but they never had a
name they could say was theirs, of the RSS or Hindu Mahasabha, who possessed at
any point of time a national stature. Even having murdered Gandhi, they could
not kill Gandhi, and they had no Gandhi to show off as father of the nation.
The
strategy of appropriation served them well in the years following Independence,
in the aftermath of anger against them at Gandhi’s murder, when they needed to
show their affiliations to recognized icons of India’s freedom struggle. As
pointed out by the authors of Khaki Shorts
and Saffron Flags, “No great Hindu figure has been wasted”. Deliberately
avoiding the construction of a distinct, defined lineage for themselves in their
bid to woo the Indian people, they promoted and pushed their own sectarian
leaders only through and within the RSS shakhas. Their heroes remained only their
heroes, and national leaders only in the eyes of their own cadres. For the rest
they preferred “to establish a complex, constantly proliferating and sprawling
kinship network” through appropriations of freedom fighters which excluded
only the Muslim, the Christian and the ‘secularists’; or pseudo secularists
as they increasingly began to call all secular Indians as they tried to
appropriate the term for themselves by laying claim to ‘real secularism’.
POPULARISING
SAVARKAR
Vinayak Damodar Savarkar has,
therefore, for long been "Veer" Savarkar in RSS folklore, if one were
to go by the Vidya Bharti school texts, and the popular nomenclature of VD
Savarkar assiduously popularised by the RSS in its shakhas. A few years ago they
even tried to have his statue erected in Marseilles-- in "commemoration of
his anti imperialist role" in the early 1920s. Thankfully a worldwide
protest campaign through letters and e-mails to the French President and Mayor
of Marseilles resulted in the plan being sabotaged. Their move to award a Bharat
Ratna to the man similarly flopped, as it became known that the President was in
no mood to co-operate on it. Obviously it would have been difficult to explain
why Savarkar and not, say Bhagat Singh, or the thousands of heroes who
uncompromisingly fought and sacrificed their lives for the freedom of the
country should be conferred this highest award.
With
state power in their control the Indian fascists now want to redraw the entire
national movement in the image of their own past, present and projected future.
It would seem the Indian freedom movement boasts of no names other than the
little Savarkars and the Hedgewars, the Munjes and the Golwalkars reared in the
RSS shakhas. The original Savarkar, who is easier to sell because of the follies
of his youth, and who penned the outlines of Hindutva, must therefore be now
transformed into a national icon.
To
put it simply, having attained political power, they are now trying to replace
Gandhi with his murderers.
They are on a renaming spree, where streets, halls, stadia, institutions,
libraries, museums, cultural academies, railway stations and airports will all
be renamed until there remains little that is recognizable. In typical fascist
style they wish to destroy popular memories of collective struggles, and
recognizable landmarks that represent secular identity in order to create new
symbols and landmarks that have little connection with historical experience.
They wish to rewrite the cultural, architectural landscape of this country along
with its history through renaming and revisions of syllabi, and they wish to
create national icons out of their own sectarian and chavimistic leaders through
this renaming and rewriting of history in schools and on the streets.
Names of landmarks that remind people of the British rule and the
associated anti-imperialist struggle, of Muslim rulers and peers and cultural
personalities that testify to our composite-pluralistic cultural heritage, of
world personalities like Nelson Mandela and other non alignment movement leaders
who signify the Indian people’s struggles as part of the oppressed nations’
struggle against the Imperialist world will all be renamed into fake symbols
that serve only to fabricate history and collective experience—if they have
their way. The renewed campaign to create a national leader out of VD Savarkar
are part of this effort to distort national identity.
IDEOLOGUE
OF HINDUTVA
This explains the hysterical defense of VD Savarkar in the face of
strong criticism by secular democratic Indians; their clutching at the straw, as
it were, by reminding us that Savarkar had after all written the first defense
of the 1857 War of Independence. Only, they fail to inform us that when he wrote
this work he was NOT an advocate of Hindu communalism. Flushed with success they
cannot stop themselves from also boasting that his was the seminal contribution
in defining Hindutva.
The period spent in Andaman jail, which the RSS refers to again and
again today to ‘commemorate his bravery’ was, in fact, utilised by the man
in ideological preparation for undermining the unity of the nation in the face
of the anti imperialist struggle, and to build bridges with the British.
It is not overnight that he discovered that Muslims were the ‘real
conquerors’ of the ‘Hindu nation’, and that religion constituted a
necessary component of national identity.
The
clemency petition that he wrote to secure his release from Andaman prison and to
barter his release for unconditional support to the British against the
Congress, the Muslims and the Communists, is well known, and has been
extensively quoted by Anil Nauriya, two years ago in the Indian
Express and by the Frontline, and
more recently in the Times of India.
The People's Democracy has also carried articles on his betrayal (March
25, 2001, and May 12, 2002). His role subsequent to his release has also been
exposed. But the fascists believe that their lie if repeated often enough will
begin to sound true, and so they go on.