People's Democracy(Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) |
Vol.
XXVI No. 35 September 08,2002 |
The Unstable World Economy
Jayati Ghosh
THE
world economy may appear very unipolar and dominated by one superpower, but it
is also more unstable than it has been for some time. It is prone to systemic
instability and constant possibility of crisis. There are several factors behind
this.
FAILURE
OF
THE US
First,
the US is not currently fulfilling its role of leader in the world economy to
maintain stability. Such a role requires the US to fulfil at least three
functions:
·
discounting in crisis, which means preventing
financial meltdown in the face of severe liquidity problems in countries or
major markets;
·
counter-cyclical lending to countries who are for some
reason or other rejected for the time being by private investors; and
·
providing a market for net exports of the rest of the
world, especially those countries requiring it to repay debt.
It
is not as if there has been no discounting in crisis. Even in the recent past,
there are countries that have received large bailouts orchestrated by the US
Treasury and the IMF. But the spectacular collapse of Argentina, the bleeding
of Sub-Saharan Africa despite impending large-scale famine, and the indifference
to implosions in Eastern Europe and elsewhere, bear witness to the fact that the
US administration does not see its responsibility to discount in terms of the
larger system.
Similarly,
counter-cyclical lending has not been provided adequately, and so private
finance has been associated with creating sharp boom-and-bust cycles. When
the capital flows in, a small (and possible artificial) boom is created, causing
changes in the real economy which eventually cause private capital to panic and
move out, then causing a crisis. US policy has been geared towards protecting
such behaviour rather than repressing it.
Finally,
while the US did play a crucial role as engine of world trade by running very
large external trade deficits in the 1990s, that role has been much diminished
after 2000. Indeed, even before then, the import surplus in the US reflected
private investment-savings deficits, as the government’s budgetary role became
more contractionary.
DECELERATION
IN
GROWTH
Aggregate
growth in the world capitalist system has been far below expectations in the
recent phase of globalisation. This is partly because the US has not played the
role of responsible leader as described above. But it is also because of the
greater mobility of finance capital, which forces governments to spend less and
reduces their ability to stimulate growth through public expenditure. So the
recent period has been associated with a deceleration of economic activity in
much of the developed world, a continuing implosion in vast areas of the
developing world including the continent of Africa, and a dramatic downslide in
what had hitherto been the most dynamic segment of the world economy - East and
Southeast Asia. These processes are reflected in rates of growth of world trade
(in value terms) which have decelerated despite the enforced liberalisation of
trade in much of the world, as well as in declining rates of new productive
investment across the world.
INCREASED
DISPARITIES
Further,
the recent process of imperialist globalisation has been marked by greatly
increased disparities, both within countries and between countries. The gap
in per capita income between industrial and developing worlds has more than
tripled between the 1960 and 1990. Between 1960 and 1991, the income share of
the richest 20 per cent of the world's population rose from 70 per cent to 85
per cent, while the income share of the poorest 20 per cent of population fell
from 2.3 per cent to 1.4 per cent. In fact, the income shares of more than
85 per cent of the world's population actually fell over this period. The ratio
of shares of the richest to the poorest groups doubled from 30:1 to 60:1. Since
then, such disparities have actually worsened.
In
addition, the bulk of the people across the world find themselves in more
fragile and vulnerable economic circumstances, in which many of the earlier
welfare state provisions have been reduced or removed, public services have been
privatised or made more expensive and therefore less accessible, and employment
conditions have become much more insecure and volatile.
CRISIS
OF
LEGITIMISATION
These
features have led to a major crisis of legitimisation for the system. The basic
tenets of the market-oriented framework are increasingly under question. And
even the institutions which serve to uphold it the system (the IMF, the WTO and
so on) lack popular support and legitimacy. The anti-globalisation umbrella
movement is one expression of such growing dissent, but there are many other
social and political expressions of popular revulsions in local and national
contexts.
One
important – and new – feature, is that the process of integrating elites
from developing countries, and rewarding them materially for their active
co-operation in furthering corporate globalisation, has slowed down. The
complicity and participation of local elites has therefore been a potent force
in ensuring the success of global capitalist integration – but as the world
recession bites and rewards become more scarce, such complicity can no longer be
taken for granted. Since the political economy of resistance movements
everywhere requires the involvement of at least some middle class and
professional elements and often some local elites as well, this may prove to be
a critical development.
Finally,
one important contradiction looks likely to become more significant in the near
future. This is the requirement of deflation, which predatory finance capital
imposes on the system as a whole. A sustainable prey-predator relation requires
the continued existence of the prey, but widespread deflation makes this less
likely. The current downslide in the major stock markets, and especially in the
US, suggests that while finance can be separated from real economic trends for
extended periods, and can even profit by such separation, it cannot do so
indefinitely.
All
this means that, while the world capitalist system may not yet be in
full-fledged crisis (even though parts of it clearly are) there are systemic
instabilities, which suggest that the current pattern cannot continue without
some changes or even substantial overhaul in the medium term.