People's Democracy(Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) |
Vol.
XXVII No. 02 January 10, 2003 |
A
MASSIVE
state
level
procession
of
over
25,000
peasants
and
agricultural
workers
marched
to
the
state
assembly
last
month,
on
the
opening
day
of
its
winter
session
at
Nagpur.
The
rally
was
organised
by
the
Maharashtra
Rajya
Shetkari-Shetmajur
Sangharsh
Samiti,
which
comprises
six
Left
organisations
of
peasants
and
agricultural
workers,
led
by
the
CPI(M),
CPI
and
PWP.
December
12,
the
day
of
the
rally,
marked
the
martyrdom
anniversary
of
a
renowned
freedom
fighter
of
Maharashtra,
Babu
Genu,
who
laid
down
his
life
in
Mumbai
that
day
in
1930
while
opposing
the
import
of
British
cloth.
The
Nagpur
rally
was
organised
around
burning
rural
issues
afflicting
Maharashtra,
like
cotton,
power,
sugarcane,
drought,
rural
employment,
wages,
land,
irrigation
and
public
distribution
system.
The
background
and
main
demands
of
the
rally
were
highlighted
in
the
December
1,
2002
issue
of
People’s
Democracy
and
need
no
repetition.
It
was
after
over
a
decade
that
such
a
massive
and
united
Left
demonstration
was
held
at
Nagpur,
and
the
second
capital
of
Maharashtra
was
awash
with
thousands
of
red
flags,
red
banners,
red
placards
and
red
badges.
As
a
result
of
mounting
mass
pressure
from
all
sides
and
the
increasing
incidence
of
peasant
suicides
(nearly
100
indebted
peasants
and
agricultural
workers
in
the
cotton
belt
of
Vidarbha
and
Marathwada
have
been
driven
to
distress
suicides
during
2002),
the
INC-NCP
state
government
was
put
on
defensive
and
had
to
back
down
on
the
two
major
issues
of
cotton
and
power
---
issues
on
which
the
World
Bank
was
exerting
maximum
pressure
on
it.
Chief
minister
Vilasrao
Deshmukh
thus
not
only
assured
a
delegation
of
the
Left-led
Sangharsh
Samiti,
but
also
announced
on
the
floor
of
the
state
assembly,
that
the
Monopoly
Cotton
Procurement
Scheme
would
be
continued;
that
the
procurement
price,
including
advance
bonus,
for
cotton
under
the
scheme
would
be
maintained
at
the
last
year’s
level
of
Rs
2300
per
quintal
and
would
not
be
whittled
down
to
around
Rs
1800
per
quintal
as
had
been
previously
announced;
and
that
the
trifurcation
and
privatisation
of
the
Maharashtra
State
Electricity
Board
(MSEB)
would
not
be
proceeded
with,
despite
a
government
White
Paper
having
made
precisely
those
proposals
last
August.
These
were
significant
gains
in
an
era
of
liberalisation
---
gains
achieved
through
sustained
struggle.
The
chief
minister
also
promised
the
Sangharsh
Samiti
delegation
that
increased
government
assistance
would
be
given
to
drought-hit
peasants
and
agricultural
workers.
He
also
agreed
to
speed
up
implementation
of
the
government
resolution
dated
October
10,
2002,
which
lays
down
a
process
for
facilitating
the
regularisation
of
occupations
of
forest
lands
upto
1978,
i
e
before
the
enactment
of
the
draconian
central
Forest
Conservation
Act
of
1980.
On
the
other
demands
outlined
in
the
memorandum
submitted
by
the
Sangharsh
Samiti,
the
chief
minister
will
hold
a
full-fledged
discussion
with
it
this
month.
CULMINATION
OF
SUSTAINED
AGITATIONS
The
success
of
the
Nagpur
rally
was
the
culmination
of
sustained
campaigns
and
agitations
conducted
over
the
last
three
months
on
all
the
above
issues.
Correctly
analysing
that
these
issues
would
assume
a
grim
character
in
the
coming
months,
the
Maharashtra
Rajya
Shetkari-Shetmajur
Sangharsh
Samiti
gave
a
call
for
large
demonstrations
at
district
and
tehsil
levels
on
August
9,
2002.
Over
30,000
peasants
and
agricultural
workers,
braving
incessant
rains
at
the
time,
came
out
on
the
streets
that
day
in
spirited
protest
against
the
government.
The
struggle
resumed
in
various
forms
from
the
month
of
October.
It
included
the
following
major
actions:
(1)
a
massive
statewide
land
satyagraha
led
by
the
CPI(M),
AIKS
and
AIAWU
independently,
in
which
over
1,30,000
participated
and
1,00,000
courted
arrest
in
20
districts
from
October
2
to
15;
(2)
a
large
Vidarbha-level
cotton
growers
convention
organised
by
the
CPI-led
Kisan
Sabha
in
Amravati
district
on
October
27;
(3)
a
successful
Vidarbha-wide
jeep
jatha
on
the
cotton
issue
organised
by
the
CPI(M)-led
AIKS
and
AIAWU
from
November
12
to
19;
(4)
another
large
Marathwada-level
cotton
growers
convention
at
Parbhani,
organised
by
the
PWP
and
CPI(M)-led
peasant
organisations
on
November
20;
(5)
a
massive
20,000-strong
rally
of
peasants
from
South
Maharashtra
on
the
issue
of
power,
organised
at
Kolhapur
on
November
25;
(6)
a
statewide
rasta
roko
stir
involving
several
thousands,
again
on
the
issue
of
power,
led
by
the
Anti-Globalisation
Action
Committee
comprising
all
Left
and
secular
political
parties,
on
November
28;
(7)
two
more
Vidarbha-level
jathas
organised
by
the
CPI-led
Kisan
Sabha
from
November
29
to
December
11;
(8)
the
notice
of
an
indefinite
strike
by
all
unions
of
workers
and
employees
in
the
MSEB
against
its
proposed
privatisation,
slated
to
begin
from
December
15;
and,
(9)
an
extensive
and
intensive
campaign
for
the
December
12
Nagpur
rally
in
several
districts
led
by
the
various
constituents
of
the
Sangharsh
Samiti
for
nearly
a
month.
This
campaign
was
based
on
20,000
printed
posters,
lakhs
of
handbills,
meetings
in
innumerable
villages
and
press
conferences
in
several
districts.
The
print
and
electronic
media
gave
generally
good
coverage
to
most
of
the
above
actions.
SHARP
DEMARCATION
FROM
SHIV
SENA
&
BJP
The
above
Left
campaign
for
the
Nagpur
rally,
while
attacking
the
INC-NCP
regime
for
its
acts
of
commission
and
omission
(for
details
see
earlier
report
in
People’s
Democracy,
December
1,
2002),
also
lambasted
the
hypocritical
campaign
launched
by
the
Shiv
Sena
and
BJP
during
the
same
period
on
issues
like
cotton,
sugarcane
and
load-shedding
of
power.
The
SS
organised
a
jatha
on
the
cotton
issue
through
Vidarbha
in
November
and
held
demonstrations
at
divisional
headquarters
in
the
state.
The
BJP,
after
a
so-called
Sangharsh
Yatra
through
several
districts,
held
its
statewide
rally
at
Nagpur
on
December
12
itself,
the
day
of
the
Left-led
rally.
The
Left
campaign
stressed
that
one
of
the
main
reasons
for
the
current
crisis
affecting
both
cotton
and
sugarcane
was
the
indiscriminate
imports
of
cotton
and
sugar
permitted
by
the
BJP-led
central
government.
These
imports
were
a
direct
result
of
the
lifting
of
quantitative
restrictions
and
the
consistent
refusal
of
the
Vajpayee
regime
for
the
last
five
years
to
raise
import
duties
on
agricultural
produce.
This
servile
policy
of
the
central
government
had
devastated
the
peasantry
and
agricultural
workers
throughout
the
country.
It
was
precisely
in
1998-99,
with
the
BJP-led
regime
at
the
centre
and
the
SS-BJP
regime
in
the
state,
that
the
unprecedented
phenomenon
of
distress
suicides
of
indebted
peasants
and
agricultural
workers
first
began
in
Maharashtra,
with
over
200
suicide
cases
reported
that
year.
The
Left
campaign
also
reiterated
that
it
was
during
the
SS-BJP
regime
from
1995-99
that
the
Monopoly
Cotton
Procurement
Scheme
first
began
to
run
up
huge
losses,
partly
due
to
gross
mismanagement
and
corruption.
No
annual
budgetary
provision
was
ever
made
to
cover
these
losses,
which
thus
accumulated
over
the
years
to
a
staggering
figure,
putting
the
whole
Scheme
itself
in
jeopardy.
The
BJP,
which
traditionally
represents
the
big
trader
lobby,
had
in
fact
in
earlier
years
led
demonstrations
demanding
the
complete
abolition
of
the
Scheme!
The
same
was
the
case
with
the
Shetkari
Sanghatana
led
by
Sharad
Joshi.
On
the
question
of
power,
the
Left
underlined
the
fact
that
at
no
point
has
the
SS-BJP
combine
ever
opposed
the
proposed
trifurcation
and
privatisation
of
the
MSEB.
The
BJP-led
central
government
has,
in
fact,
been
bowing
to
the
same
World
Bank
dictates
and
has
been
pressurising
state
governments
to
privatise
their
state
electricity
boards.
The
disastrous
results
of
the
privatisation
of
power
are
there
for
all
to
see
in
Orissa
and
Andhra
Pradesh.
The
current
scarcity
of
power
in
Maharashtra
leading
to
massive
load-shedding
is
also
a
direct
result
of
the
fact
that
both
the
INC-NCP
and
the
SS-BJP
state
governments,
in
their
decade-long
corrupt
cohabitation
with
Enron,
refused
to
sanction
even
a
single
power
generation
plant
of
the
MSEB,
which
would
have
generated
sufficient
power
at
much
less
cost.
The
Enron
fiasco
clearly
revealed
the
common
class
character
of
both
these
combinations.
And
finally,
the
Left
campaign
strongly
denounced
the
Sangh
Parivar
for
its
divisive
drive
towards
communal
fascism,
the
most
horrific
instance
of
which
was
the
state-sponsored
communal
carnage
in
Gujarat.
It
was
by
raising
these
and
related
issues
that
the
Left
campaign
against
the
INC-NCP
regime
sharply
demarcated
itself
from
the
SS-BJP
campaign.
ENTHUSIASTIC
PUBLIC
MEETING
Among
the
other
speakers
at
the
rally
were
former
state
minister
Ganpatrao
Deshmukh
and
Laxmanrao
Golegaonkar
of
the
PWP-led
Shetkari
Sabha;
Ashok
Dhawale
and
Dada
Raipure
of
the
AIKS;
Udayan
Sharma
and
Rajan
Kshirsagar
of
the
AIAWU;
Madhavrao
Gaikwad
and
Sudam
Jadhav
of
the
CPI-led
Kisan
Sabha;
Manohar
Taksal
and
Shivkumar
Ganvir
of
the
CPI-led
agricultural
workers
union;
and
Netaji
Rajgadkar
of
the
Cotton
Growers
Association.
Manohar
Deshkar
welcomed
the
rallyists
and
Pandurang
Rathod
thanked
all
those
who
had
made
the
rally
a
success.
Among
those
in
the
Sangharsh
Samiti
delegation
that
met
the
chief
minister
were
J
P
Gavit,
MLA,
Krishna
Khopkar
and
Ramji
Vartha,
MLA,
of
the
CPI(M)
and
others
from
the
PWP
and
CPI.
While
all
the
three
Left
political
formations
had
mobilised
well
for
the
success
of
the
Nagpur
rally,
the
representation
of
the
CPI(M)-led
AIKS
and
AIAWU
was
especially
broad-based,
coming
as
it
did
from
as
many
as
21
districts
of
all
five
regions,
viz
Vidarbha,
Marathwada,
Khandesh,
Western
Maharashtra
and
Konkan.
These
21
districts
were
Nasik,
Yavatmal,
Wardha,
Amravati,
Buldana,
Gondia,
Nagpur,
Chandrapur,
Parbhani,
Hingoli,
Nanded,
Beed,
Usmanabad,
Latur,
Jalna,
Solapur,
Kolhapur,
Sangli,
Satara,
Raigad
and
Jalgaon.
The
Nagpur
district
committees
of
the
CPI(M)
and
CPI
had
made
excellent
local
arrangements
for
the
success
of
the
rally.
Enthused
by
the
success
of
the
Nagpur
rally
and
by
the
gains
wrested
from
the
government,
thousands
of
peasants
and
agricultural
workers
went
back
with
the
determination
to
launch
even
more
militant
and
powerful
struggles
all
over
Maharashtra
in
the
days
to
come,
led
by
the
Red
Flag.