People's Democracy(Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) |
Vol.
XXVII
No. 25 June 22, 2003 |
Hemalata
EVER since the
so-called reforms process was initiated, the employers have intensified their
pressure on the government to ‘liberalise’ the labour laws and give them a
free hand to ‘hire and fire’. Willing though the government was to oblige
them, it could not fulfil all their wish lists because of the stiff resistance
from the working class of India. Opposition to the anti-worker amendments to the
labour laws was demonstrated by the unprecedented success of the May 21 all
India general strike in which all sections of the working class, organised and
unorganised participated. But the present BJP-led NDA government is determined
to find out some back door methods, in its zeal to satisfy their capitalist
masters. One such manifestation of their over enthusiasm came to light recently
in the ‘options’ expressed by the senior officials of the government of
India to the proposals sent to them by the ‘reform savvy’ Andhra Pradesh
chief minister Chandra Babu Naidu’s government.
In a letter to
the central government, the Andhra Pradesh government had made some proposals
relating to the amendments to the Industrial Disputes Act, and the Trade Unions
Act. In respect of the Industrial Disputes Act, the AP government informed that
it has ‘decided’ to omit the proviso of item (vi) clause (n) of Section 2 of
the Act so as ‘to empower the appropriate government to declare any industry
in the first schedule as a public utility service, for such period as may be
specified in the notification, without imposing any restriction of six months
from time to time’. The senior officials of the central government were so
considerate to express an option that ‘provision of 3 years period may be
specified for review on public utility services’.
The state
government has also proposed that ‘It has also decided to omit Chapter V
dealing with special provisions to lay off, retrenchment and closure in certain
establishments in which not less than one hundred workmen were employed so as to
remove restrictions imposed on such employees under that chapter’. In this
matter, the government of India did not even bother to pay heed to the
recommendations of the Second National Commission on Labour (SNCL), which has
suggested raising the provision to 300 workmen, leave aside to the demands of
the Trade Unions. Before the matter is even discussed in any tripartite forum
like the Standing Labour Committee of the Indian Labour Conference, the Senior
Officials went ahead and suggested ‘to raise the provision to 1000 workmen as
against the existing provision of one hundred workmen’.
In respect of
the Trade Union Act, the AP government has proposed ‘under Sub Section (i) of
Section 4, this government suggested that in the case of Trade Union formed
primarily for the purpose of regulating the relations between workmen and
employers, not less than 30 per cent of workmen connected to the employer may,
…apply for registration of the trade union under this Act.’ Here too, while the SNCL has recommended that 10 per cent
employees or a minimum of 100 would be necessary to register a trade union, the
government of India, suggested ’20 per cent (instead of 30 per cent as
requested by the AP government) of workmen connected to the employer may be
considered to form the Trade Union.’
Chandra Babu
Naidu has become notorious for his outbursts against ‘outside leadership’ of
trade unions. He feels that it is difficult and sometimes impossible to subdue
outside leadership with threats of job loss. So it is no wonder that the AP
government has suggested ‘to substitute the Section 22 of the Trade Unions Act
as follows – the total number of the office bearers of every registered Trade
Union shall be persons actually engaged and employed in an industry with which
the Trade Union is concerned.’ The
government of India was not averse to accept the proposal. It was only of the
view that ‘outside leadership should be considered in the unorganised
sector’ only.
It may be
recalled that except the INTUC, all the Trade Unions in the country opposed the
anti working class recommendations of the Second National Commission on Labour.
Even the representative of the BMS in the SNCL had submitted a note of dissent
to some of its recommendations. That the BMS leadership only confined itself to
issuing high sounding statements and wriggled out of action when it really
mattered is another matter. But because of this opposition from the working
class the government of India had to agree to go through the motions of
consultations with the social partners on the recommendations of the SNCL.
But, these
options of the government of India as expressed by the Senior Officials is
nothing but clear evidence of its intention to push ahead with the labour law
changes to usher in a ‘hire and fire’ regime at the State level, even while
the dialogue process is professedly on. The Maharashtra state government has
already passed a similar retrograde legislation attacking the rights of the
workers.
The working
class of not only Andhra Pradesh, but the entire country should be vigilant
against such moves and intensify united struggles to defeat such back door
measures to bring in the labour law changes, in the light of the ‘options’
expressed by the government of India. The unity and determination of the working
class demonstrated in the May 21 strike should be carried further forwards to
protect the rights of the workers and the toiling masses.