People's Democracy(Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) |
Vol.
XXVIII
No. 13 March 28, 2004 |
Infrastructure
Under The NDA
Shantanu De Roy
Continuing
with its trend to advertise about programmes which are yet to be implemented a
railways ministry advertisement on February 22, 2004, states among other things:
Announcement
of Rs 20,000 crore distant rail connecting scheme to connect remote areas,
to be completed within next 5 years.
Initiation
of Rs 15,000 crore Rashtriya Rail Vikas Yojna to strengthen the golden
quadrilateral, connect ports, build bridges on Ganga, Brahmaputra and Kosi,
and to finish uncompleted works.
Indian
Railways Route |
|||
(in
thousand kms) |
|||
|
1998-99 |
1999-2000 |
2000-01 |
Electrified |
13.8 |
14.3 |
14.9 |
Total |
62.8 |
62.8 |
63.0 |
Source: Economic Survey, 2002-03. |
In
reality, however, there has been very negligible addition to the electrified and
total length of the railways network. The latest available figures suggest that
only about 200 kms were added from 1998-99 to 2000-01. Despite the railways
being much more energy efficient than road transport, the government has starved
the railways of investments. The following facts bring out the pathetic state of
Indian railways under the Vajpayee regime.
a)
For the first time in its history, the railways did not pay dividends to
the government of India in 2000-01 and 2001-02.
b)
Even worse, after the steady decline of the accident rate per million
train kilometres from 5.5 in 1961 to 0.57 in 1996-97, the figure has been rising
and currently stands at 0.65.
c)
The share of the railways in the total transport outlay has continued its
steady decline.
The
railways carry 45 per cent of the total freight in the country including 89 per
cent of the 8 major bulk commodities – coal, steel, petroleum, fertiliser,
cement, food grains, iron ore and raw materials to steel plants. The high
density corridor connecting the four metros – Delhi, Mumbai, Chennai and
Kolkata, comprises only 16 per cent of the total railway network but carries 65
per cent of the total freight traffic and 55 per cent of the total passenger
traffic. This already saturated corridor, which is in dire need of augmentation,
has been completely neglected by the NDA government.
On
February 21, 2004, the ministry of petroleum and natural gas ran an
advertisement, which contained some curious claims:
A
commitment of no further increase in domestic LPG and kerosene prices
90
exploration blocks awarded through global tender under NELP, against 22
blocks in previous 10 years, in order to ensure self reliance
New
oil and gas field discoveries
The advertisement also claimed credit for the disinvestment of government stakes in GAIL and ONGC. The price of fuel, especially kerosene which caters to the needs of a large section of the poor, has increased manifolds under the Vajpayee regime.
Annual
Rate of Price Rise of Kerosene (in %) |
|||
|
2000-01 |
2001-02 |
2002-03 |
CPI |
145.0 |
-2.7 |
21.3 |
WPI |
235.0 |
-8.8 |
18.8 |
Source:
Economic Survey, 2002-03 |
Estimates
based on the Consumer Price Index suggest a 145 per cent hike in kerosene prices
over 2000-01, which fell marginally in the next year only to rise by 21.3 per
cent in 2002-03. The fact that the petroleum ministry is making a commitment not
to hike prices any more through a newspaper advertisement shows that the
government is afraid of the discontent within the masses on account of this
tremendous hike in fuel price. However, there would hardly be any takers for
such nonsensical claims.
As far as the claims of new oil exploration ventures and oilfield discoveries are concerned, the results speak for themselves. While the import of crude oil has almost trebled from 1995-96 to 2001-02, domestic production has declined by nearly 3 million tonnes during the same period. So much for the propagated myth of new oilfield discoveries and self reliance in energy resources.
Table 3
Production
and Import of Crude Oil |
|||||||
(in
million tonnes) |
|||||||
|
1995-96 |
1996-97 |
1997-98 |
1998-99 |
1999-2000 |
2000-01 |
2001-02 |
Domestic
Production |
35.2 |
32.9 |
33.9 |
32.7 |
31.8 |
32.4 |
32.0 |
Imports |
27.3 |
33.9 |
34.5 |
39.8 |
45.0 |
74.1 |
78.7 |
Source:
Economic Survey, 2002-03 |
The most appalling feature of this government is the celebration over the disinvestment of profit-making PSUs. Despite the Oil PSUs having earned a huge combined profit of Rs 23,251 crore in 2002-03, the government has undertaken aggressive disinvestment of several strategic units. These privatisation measures can not be justified from the ‘efficiency’ point of view, since the oil giants are highly profitable. Further, it is wrong to argue that privatization measures have contributed to revenue mobilisation since the government stands to loose much more in terms of the stream of profits which would have accrued in the future from these PSUs, than what it mopped up through one time sale. The government, however, far from providing justification for these outrageous privatisation measures has been celebrating it in advertisements.
WATER
The
Vajpayee government could have jolly well come up with the following
advertisement propagating ‘big achievement’ in respect of drinking water:
Bottled
water sold in the previous 50 years: negligible!
Bottled
water sold during 5 years of NDA rule: over Rs 5000 crore!!
Scarcity
and poor quality of drinking water has led to the emergence of a huge bottled
water industry worth over Rs 1,000 crore per annum, with drinking water being
sold at the price of milk. Over 200 million people in India, by conservative
estimates, do not have access to safe drinking water. About 15,000 habitations
in the country are reported to be without any source of potable water; about
200,000 villages are only partially covered by drinking water schemes, and the
existing water sources in about 250,000 villages have severe problems of
quality. Urban water supply has also become notorious for its irregularity and
poor quality. Fresh-water availability per capita, which had gone down from
around 5,250 cubic metres in 1955 to around 2,500 cubic metres in 1990, has
fallen to below 2000 cubic metres at present and is projected to drop below the
internationally recognised "crisis" level of 1000 cubic metres by
2015. Various international agencies have estimated that water scarcity in India
will become acute by 2025. Irrigation efficiencies are estimated to be around a
very low 35 per cent, mostly due to poor maintenance and low budgetary
allocations for the purpose.
The
two major elements of the BJP's response to the problem of water resources,
inter-linking of rivers and privatisation, are recipes to aggravate the
situation further. Numerous studies by different agencies and expert groups cite
serious problems in the proposed River Inter-linking Project, which is estimated
to cost around a huge Rs 560,000 crore, not to mention the inevitable cost
escalation. Most state governments have also objected to the diversion of water
from rivers passing through their states, bringing into question the source from
where water proposed to be transferred to deficit areas would come from. All
these problems remaining unaddressed, the BJP-led government is going ahead with
full steam in advertising the proposed "Garland Canal" linking major
rivers.
Faced
with growing shortage of water for irrigation in rural areas, and water scarcity
in urban areas, reckless exploitation of groundwater, mainly by private and
corporate parties, is accelerating under the patronage of the government.
Groundwater has been allowed to become the ‘private property’ of the rich
who has the financial capacity to invest in its extraction and distribution.
Trade in groundwater in India today is close to Rs 3000 crore, with around 50
per cent of the urban domestic and industrial demand being met through
groundwater. And yet, despite public pressure, neither the NDA's National Water
Policy nor its various legislative or administrative measures have showed any
desire to regulate or control this dangerous trend.
This
should surprise no one, since the BJP and its allies are only following the
World Bank, which has long argued for privatisation of water. World
Bank-financed projects in Latin America and Africa have even supported
small-scale water businesses by rich landowners. The NDA's National Water Policy
explicitly states: "Private sector participation should be encouraged in
planning, development and management of water resources projects for diverse
uses, wherever feasible. Private sector participation may help in introducing
innovative ideas, generating financial resources and introducing corporate
management and improving service efficiency and accountability to users."
The NDA’s approach has therefore been contradictory to the preservation of
water as a precious national resource, which should necessarily be under public
control.
Conclusion
Any
developing economy, due to some reason or the other, may show some growth for a
short period; but a sustainable long-term growth path, which can ensure
prosperity for all sections of the people, needs strong foundations.
Infrastructure is one of these basic foundations of an economy, for the simple
reason that without well-developed infrastructure a high rate of investment
cannot be sustained. The experience of the past decade has shown that in crucial
areas of infrastructure, where projects have high gestation lags and high costs,
private participation was far below expectations. The major onus of developing
infrastructure therefore rests upon the government, which needs to undertake
public investments in building infrastructure. The NDA government, however,
which has remained faithful to the World Bank dictated agenda, has failed
singularly to give any major thrust in the infrastructure sector. The false and
often ridiculous claims being made on the eve of the elections are nothing but
means to hoodwink the people.