People's Democracy(Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) |
Vol.
XXIX
No. 03 January 16, 2005 |
Secular
Parties Need To Exercise Restraint
BY
the time we write these lines, the election process has already started for the
Haryana assembly polls and for the first phase of assembly polls in Bihar and
Jharkhand. While the whole of Haryana will go to polls at one go on the 3rd of
the next month, the first phase of the three-phase poll process in the other two
states will take place on the same date.
IT
is therefore natural that the notification of the poll process has set into
motion a whole train of hectic activities in the concerned states. In Haryana,
however, the situation is more or less clear, and here it is the Congress that
will be taking the incumbent Indian National Lok Dal (INLD) head on. The
indication so far is that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) would go into these
polls all alone, and this thing can only add to the INLD’s woes without
bringing any corresponding benefit to the BJP. On the other hand, Chaudhari
Bansilal has already disbanded his Haryana Vikas Party and re-joined the
Congress, which will only help the latter. One notes that the Congress had
bagged 9 out of 10 seats in Haryana in the last Lok Sabha polls.
But
the situation is not so simple in the other two states where the political
spectrum is fragmented and no party is in a position to form a government on its
own. In Jharkhand, as we noted last week, the state government had as if fallen
into the BJP’s lap after the bifurcation of Bihar. During the last assembly
polls that had taken place in undivided Bihar, the BJP was in alliance with the
Janata Dal (United) and Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM), and had cornered a big
chunk of the assembly and Lok Sabha seats. But the bufurcation of Bihar also
caused bad blood between the BJP and JMM. For the latter felt that, as it was in
the forefront for the formation of Jharkhand, it should have been given the
chance to lead the state government. On the other hand, the BJP was adamant on
having its own government. This led not only to a serious dispute between the
two parties but also to ugly manipulations on part of the BJP, when this
so-called “party of principles” behaved in a most unprincipled way in order
to grab power.
The
JMM retaliated as soon as it got a chance, during the Lok Sabha polls in May
2004, by aligning with the Congress and some other parties. This gave a big jolt
to the ruling BJP and its allies, and their Lok Sabha seats from the state
sharply came down. Nay, there is every possibility that if the Congress, RJD,
JMM and the Left parties come together, they can thoroughly trounce the BJP and
allies once again.
The
record of the last polls in Bihar had been somewhat more complicated. These
polls had taken place when the BJP led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) was
ruling at the centre and a BJP man was there in the Raj Bhawan in Patna. As the
ruling Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) could not muster a clear majority in the 2000
assembly polls, the governor got a chance to play his dirty game and invited
Nitish Kumar of the JD(U), an NDA constituent, to form a government. Which Kumar
did. However, he miserably failed to cobble a majority by the date given to him
to show that he had the confidence of the house. In such a situation, he only
followed the example set by Atal Behari’s Vajpayee, his real leader, and ran
away after a week, without even facing the assembly.
This
cleared the deck for the formation of a coalition government led by the RJD, the
Congress being the other partner in the government. In accordance with their
stand against the communal forces, the Left parties have been supporting this
government from outside.
It
is thus clear that, contrary to Haryana, it is not parties but coalitions that
would be locked in a trial of strength in Bihar and Jharkhand.
IN
this situation, as one could expect, various parties have been making claims and
counter-claims as to the number of seats they want to contest. This, however,
must not be blown out of proportion as such things happen every time an election
is round the corner; it has happened in various states and during the run-up to
various elections in the past.
On
their part, the non-NDA secular parties have to think about what is expected of
them in order that the BJP and its allies may be defeated. The first thing is
that all such parties have to avoid making unrealistic claims. To take an
example, it was the unrealistic claim made by Nationalist Congress Party (NCP)
that prevented an alliance with the Congress in Goa assembly polls, and the
result is there for all to see. The BJP benefited from the Congress-NCP disunity
and came to power.
At
the same time, the bigger parties in a state have also to realise that it cannot
defeat the communal forces on their own. This is as true of the RJD in Bihar as
it is of the JMM in Jharkhand.
Let
us take the case of Jharkhand first. If the JMM-Congress alliance trounced the
BJP in this state in the last Lok Sabha polls, it was not purely on the basis of
their respective strengths. In fact two factors, one subjective and the other
objective, led to the rout of BJP here. While the first, subjective, factor was
that the Congress-JMM alliance prevented a division of the secular votes, the
second and objective factor was that the BJP’s state government stood
thoroughly discredited and had badly isolated itself from the Jharkhand people
during the preceding two years and a half.
Now,
what do we find in the light of this analysis is that while the objective factor
is still very much there, it alone cannot ensure a rout of the BJP. The latter
would definitely gain if the secular votes get divided, and this is precisely
what the BJP is trying to have.
As
for Bihar, it is worthwhile to recall that the NDA had almost scraped through in
the last assembly polls in AD 2000, and the state would have been under an NDA-BJP
government if only a few MLAs had crossed the floor, which fortunately did not
happen. Then, even after Nitish Kumar ran away without facing the assembly, the
RJD was not in a position to form a government on its own. Still earlier, the
RJD had won the so far lowest number of seats in the September 1999 Lok Sabha
polls in undivided Bihar.
It
is clear that while the other parties need to base their claims on a realistic
assessment of their ground strength, the RJD too has to display a spirit of
accommodation and avoid making any unilateral announcement. Whether in Bihar or
in Jharkhand, restraint is required on part of all secular parties, and all of
them have to constantly keep the basic objective in view --- that they have to
face and trounce the communal forces as convincingly as they can.
THIS
is all the more necessary in view of the Sangh Parivar’s efforts to regroup.
True the Parivar has so far not been able to overcome its present demoralisation
or internal dissension. Yet it is undoubtedly making efforts to rally its forces
on the basis of a rabid communal agenda. To the good fortune of the BJP and
Sangh Parivar but to the Indian nation’s misfortune, the BJP has got some
allies who set more store on ministerial chairs than on the people’s genuine
interests and on the nation’s unity and secular structure.
One
such party is the JD(U) whose leaders have a modicum of caste-based appeal in
Bihar and Jharkhand, e g Nitish Kumar, or who are rudderless, like George
Fernandes. To the utter dismay of our people, these JD(U) leaders have just
one-point agenda --- to somehow rout Laloo Prasad Yadav and his party, the RJD,
so that they could capture the state government. All their antics in Bihar and
Jharkhand are motivated by this very desire.
Recall
what happened after the BJP national executive at Mumbai issued a statement
three months ago --- that it would go back to its basics. While the whole
country took it as the RSS signal to BJP to pursue a rabidly communal agenda,
Nitish Kumar said his party would sever relations with the BJP if
the latter was found reverting to its communal moorings! Then he also added in
the same breath that the JD(U) would continue its ties with BJP till at least
the assembly polls in Jharkhand and Bihar. On his part, the maverick Fernandes
went a step ahead and virtually gave the BJP a certificate of innocence, saying
there was nothing communal in the latter’s pronouncements.
And
today, the same JD(U) leaders are doing their utmost to rope in Ram Vilas
Paswan’s Lok Janshakti Party (LJP) in order to create a grand alliance against
Laloo Prasad. One will note that the LJP, which has a limited base in Bihar, had
joined the NDA government at the centre after the 1999 Lok Sabha polls but then
quit it after the Gujarat massacre of Muslims in 2002. Then it joined hands with
the RJD and Congress for the May 2004 Lok Sabha polls and is currently a
constituent of the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) ruling the centre. However,
as he has fallen apart from Laloo Prasad, Nitish Kumar is trying to woo him, and
it is known that he is doing all this at the bidding of BJP president L K Advani
from behind the curtain. Nay, Nitish Kumar has even offered to Paswan the chief
ministership of Bihar in case the NDA-LJP combine wins the polls. On his part,
Paswan says he is prepared to align with the JD(U) provided it severs its
relationship with the BJP. This, however, is unacceptable to the JD(U). In such
a situation, the chance is that the LJP would contest the polls alone and, with
about 4 per cent votes at its command, may cause a division in the secular
votes. This will cause some harm to the RJD-Congress-Left alliance, but one is
pretty sure this harm would not be so great as to bring about a qualitative
change in the situation.
On
their part, the BJP and other Sangh Parivar outfits are currently trying to rake
up the Shankaracharya issue. Right now, the situation in the Kanchi
Kamkotipeetham case is that the Supreme Court has granted bail to the
Shankaracharya, Jayendra Saraswati, but asked him to surrender his passport to
the police and not to visit the mutt without the court’s order. On the other
hand, the Tamilnadu police has arrested the pontiff’s junior, Vijayendra
Saraswati, in the same case. Yet, the Parivar has failed to cash in upon the
issue in the last one month and a half, and this testifies to the political
maturity of Indian masses who have seen the horrendous results of exploitation
of religion for political purposes during the period 1998 to 2004.
But
the threat of communalism still remains, and nobody can say when it will
aggravate once again. More so because the more the Parivar grows desperate, the
more the chance that it may resort to extreme steps. In Gujarat, Narendra Modi
is still trying every means to threaten the witnesses of the 2002 massacre or
purchase their loyalty, in order to save the saffronite killers. The BJP is also
trying to hurl Ms Uma Bharti into its election campaign in Bihar, and the lady
is known for her worst kind of communal rabble rousing.
To
reiterate, such a situation all the more enjoins upon the secular forces the
need of restraint, so that there is no division in anti-BJP votes and the Sangh
Parivar is given yet another body blow in the coming assembly polls.