People's Democracy(Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) |
Vol.
XXIX
No. 06 February 06, 2005 |
Left
Parties’ Proposals For Budget 2005-06
Below
we publish the full text of note handed over to the finance minister, P
Chidambaram by leaders of the CPI(M), CPI, RSP & Forward Bloc on February 1,
2005.
THE
first (interim) budget of the UPA government had made an additional allocation
of Rs 10,000 crore as a special budgetary support for the 10th plan in order to
implement the commitments made in the Common Minimum Programme. This amount was
clearly inadequate to meet the commitments related to employment generation,
agriculture, education and health. The forthcoming budget should therefore make
substantially increased allocations in the direction of fulfilling the
commitments made in the CMP.
The
important commitments made in the CMP include the Employment Guarantee Act,
stepping up of public investment in agriculture in terms of rural
infrastructure and irrigation and phased increase in public spending on
education and health in order to meet the targeted 6 per cent and 2-3 per
cent of GDP respectively in five years. The budget should make an additional
allocation of Rs 20,000 crore to support the employment generation programme
under the National Rural Employment Guarantee (which is soon expected to
become an act). There should be additional allocations of Rs 8000 crore each
for education and health. Total allocation for agriculture, irrigation and
rural infrastructure should be increased by Rs 14,000 crore. In sum there
should be an increase of Rs 50,000 crore in the central plan outlay in the
budget in order to meet the commitments made in the CMP.
The
resources required for the increased expenditure can be mobilised through
deficit financing, in view of the significant unutilised capacity existent
in various sectors of the economy. But the government has tied its hands as
far as running a budget deficit is concerned, by committing itself
steadfastly to the FRBM Act, which has institutionalised conservatism in
fiscal policy - making in India by imposing unwarranted constraints on the
capacity of the central government to run a budget deficit even when idle
resources exist in the economy. The act should not be allowed to come in the
way. Further, it is noteworthy that the gross tax revenue collection stood
at only around 9.21 per cent of the GDP in 2003-04 as suggested by the
budget figures, which is quite low even if compared to other developing
countries. Enough scope for resource mobilisation through taxation exists.
There is a strong case therefore to increase the tax-GDP ratio by around 1.5
per cent, which should be sufficient to meet the additional development
expenditure that is being suggested, given the current level of India’s
GDP.
Expenditure
on defence, which had witnessed a whopping Rs 12,000 crore hike in the
interim budget, can be brought down. However, the decision taken by the
government on the eve of the budget, to set up a fund from disinvestment
proceeds in order to make investments in the social sector, lacks economic
rationale. Public spending in the social sector, or any other sector for
that matter, should be financed by raising resources through taxation or by
running a budget deficit. Selling off stakes in a profit making PSU is in
effect equivalent to running a budget deficit. While in the latter case
interest payments have to be made by the government in the future against a
one-time borrowing, in the former future streams of income from dividends
are forgone against a one-time receipt from the sale of stakes. In fact the
latter is worse since it involves transferring state-owned assets to private
hands, which is not the case when the government borrows from the market.
It
is therefore important for the government to make a serious effort to
mobilise tax revenue. Additional tax revenue can be mobilised both by
levying new corporation taxes and customs duties as well as widening the tax
net, focusing upon the upper classes. The rate of wealth tax, which is
currently very low and yields annual resources to the tune of around Rs 150
crore only, should be increased. Corporate tax exemptions need to be done
away with. Specific targets for realisation of tax arrears and recovery of
the NPAs of banks/FIS should be fixed. A review of the whole gamut of export
incentives/duty drawback should be undertaken given the comfortable foreign
exchange position with a view to phasing out those which are no longer
necessary. The salaried class should not be subjected to any additional
income tax burden.
Tribulations
arising out of speculative activities in the Indian stock market once again
came to the fore in the recent past. In this context the capital gains tax
need to be reintroduced, given the fact that the turnover tax introduced in
the last budget was eventually diluted. Besides, an ad valorem tax on all
foreign exchange outflows should be introduced, which would not only
generate revenue but also help to stabilise ‘hot’ money flows into our
economy and provide some protection against capital flight. Moreover, no
foreign entity should be allowed to hold rupee denominated sovereign debt,
directly or indirectly.
Rural
credit continues to be an area of grave concern. It needs to be underscored
that the primary focus of expansion of rural credit should be on agriculture
and crop related activities in the rural areas. The RBI directive on
providing loans of up to Rs 1 lakh without collateral to small and marginal
farmers has not been implemented in most places. The budget should make
special allocations to recapitalise the cooperative banks in keeping with
the recommendations of the Task Force on Revival of Cooperative Credit
Institutions. The aggregate liability to be borne by the central government
in order to undertake the revival package has been estimated by the Task
Force to be Rs 10,839 crore (and another Rs 4000 crore for contingency). To
begin with, an amount of Rs 5000 crore (from the Rs 14000 crore suggested
for ariculture) can be allocated for this purpose. Moreover, the Advisory
Committee on Flow of Credit to Agriculture and Related Activities from the
Banking System which was set up by the RBI had recommended the setting up of
an Agri-Risk Fund which would mitigate the risk of the banks lending to the
agriculture sector, as they can have recourse to the fund in the event of
genuine default. Such a fund should be created with allocations from the
central budget.
Farmers
in different parts of the country have suffered immensely due to the crash
in prices of their crops. A system of variable tariffs needs to be
introduced in order to protect the producers of such crops, which experience
wide price fluctuations, like cotton, groundnuts, soya bean, sugar etc. In
case there is a sharp fall in prices of any of these crops in the world
market, the domestic producers should be protected by raising the import
tariffs, which can be lowered once the prices stabilise.
The
structure of customs duties on finished and intermediate goods and excise
duties in certain sectors result in discrimination against domestic
industries. For instance colour picture tubes (a finished product) can be
imported from Thailand, under the free trade agreement, at 12.5 per cent
customs duty while the customs duty on colour glass (intermediate good) is
20 per cent. The domestic electronics and TV manufacturers are adversely
affected since the cost of the input is higher than the cost of importing
the finished product from Thailand. The customs duties levied in accordance
with the free trade agreement with Thailand and the existing excise duties
for the manufacturers who are affected by the trade agreement should be
thoroughly reviewed. Customs and excise duties should be revised wherever
such imbalances exist which put domestic manufacturers in a disadvantageous
position.
The
recommendations of the Standing Committee on Petroleum, which has suggested
several measures to restructure the customs and excise duties of petroleum
products, should be implemented. This would help in bringing down the prices
of petroleum products and provide some relief to the people. The government
should not stall this duty restructuring on revenue considerations.
The
existent structure of customs duties for power projects, especially mega
power projects of 1000 MW and above which does not attract any customs duty,
discriminates against domestic industries like BHEL. There are further moves
to make the entire power sector a virtually zero import duty segment by
bringing down the eligibility limit for mega power projects to 250 MW. This
should not be done.
The
government should honour the commitment made in the CMP that profit-making
PSUs will not be privatised. Keeping this in view there should be no
disinvestments of shares in such PSUs like BHEL. The government should not
unilaterally proceed with mergers in the nationalised banks and should
discuss such issues with the trade unions as stated in the CMP. The proposal
for increasing the FDI to 74 per cent in the Indian private banks should not
be proceeded with as it would mean handing over control of funds to foreign
banks. The public distribution system should be strengthened without resort
to food coupons.