People's Democracy
(Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India
(Marxist)
|
Vol. XXXIV
No.
05
January
31, 2010
|
Jyoti Basu Shall Live
Amidst Peasants
&Toiling Masses
K Varadharajan
COMRADE
Jyoti Basu�s death was followed by an unprecedented show of love and
respect
from the masses cutting across political lines and they thronged the
streets of
Kolkata and across Bengal grieving
his death. What
was it that led to such a profound sense of loss for millions of people
in Bengal and elsewhere?
Most
political commentators talk about how he was the longest serving chief
minister
who held the post for 23 long years and thereby created a record of
sorts in
political history. What however is less spoken about is as to what was
the
basis on which the Left Front kept getting re-elected despite the most
hostile
opposition from political opponents, the corporate media and all kinds
of
reactionary elements. To put it simply this was possible because the
government
did not run from the Writers Building alone, but also from the villages
of Bengal. While Mahatma Gandhi spoke
about India
living in
villages and the run-of-the-mill Congress leaders and others kept
repeating it,
Jyoti Basu actually understood the pulse of the villages; he shared the
sorrows
of the peasantry, rejoiced in their joys, stood by their side and
fought for
their rights. This is what the Communist Party stood for and he never
lost
sight of that even when he kept getting re-elected as the chief
minister for
more than two decades.
Comrade
Jyoti Basu�s commitment to the toiling masses and the peasantry was
unquestionable. His association with the peasantry started with the
Tebhaga movement.
Kisan Sabha mobilised the peasantry around the demand of 2/3rd
of
the produce for the sharecroppers. The Tebhaga movement was met with
brutal
repression. He vociferously raised the demands of the Tebhaga movement
consistently in the assembly and protested against police atrocities. The Communist Party entrusted him with the
task of visiting different districts and preparing a report on the
police
atrocities against the peasantry. It was years later that the Left
Front government
with him as the chief minister guaranteed the rights of the
sharecroppers and
also put an end to evictions from land. The Left Front government also
put an
end to the use of police to suppress mass movements by workers and the
peasantry. After independence when the assembly session took place for
the
first time on 21 November 1947, peasants who had come to Kolkata from
their
villages to greet their leaders were lathicharged. Comrade Basu raised
the
matter in the assembly and walked out when the chief minister�s
response was
found to be unsatisfactory. He then addressed the peasants outside the
assembly
and again tried to move a resolution condemning police brutalities on
the
peasantry. This zeal to take up the cause of the peasantry was
witnessed
throughout his life and he also made it a point to attend Kisan Sabha
conferences
where he placed his views candidly even when he was the chief minister.
In
the midst of the food crisis, he made a scathing attack on the policies
of the
Congress government in the Bengal
assembly
which is a landmark in the history of the Food Movement. When the
Communist
Party wholeheartedly participated in the collection of food grains
under the
leadership of the Peoples� Committee, Comrade Jyoti Basu was in the
forefront
of that initiative. He was also actively involved in providing
leadership to
the mass upsurge that engulfed Bengal
from
1953 to 1959, be it against the hike in tram rates, the food movement
or the
different mass strikes of the workers. In
1967, Comrade Basu became the deputy chief minister in the United Front
ministry
and again in the second UF ministry in 1969. The role of these two
governments
and his leadership in providing a stimulus for the unleashing of mass
movement
and intense class struggles is memorable. He addressed the All India
Conference
of the Kisan Sabha at Borsul in Bardaman district in 1969 and gave
direction to
the Kisan Sabha by his call for being with the peasantry and mobilising
them
around the demand for Land Reforms. When the Left Front government took
over in
1977, it translated the demand for land which was the slogan of Kisan
Sabha
into a reality with the implementation of far-reaching land reforms.
The Left
Front government followed up land reforms with the panchayati raj
reforms. This
strategy of the Left Front government termed as �walking on two legs�
has transformed
the lives of millions. The unleashing of productive forces through the
land reforms
gave a new lease of life to agriculture in the state while panchayati
raj led
to real political empowerment of the rural poor.
Land Reforms were taken
forward under the leadership of the CPI(M) and West
Bengal
has seen the most equitable distribution of land in the entire country.
Although
West Bengal accounts for only around 3 per cent of agricultural land in
India, it accounted
for over 21 per cent of
ceiling surplus land that has been redistributed in India.
Operation Barga ensured the
security of tenancy rights to the sharecroppers and this was also a
move
without precedence in India.
Over 11 lakh acres of land was permanently brought under the control of
sharecroppers and their right to cultivate land was firmly established.
West
Bengal
has accounted more than half (54.5
per cent)
of the total number of gainers from land distribution programmes in the
entire
country and the
total number of beneficiaries was 29,71,857. The total number of
gainers from all the various land reform programmes, including recorded
sharecroppers
(15,10,657) and recipients of homestead land (15,57,151), comes to
50,39,665
beneficiaries. This means more than
half of the rural households have benefited from Land Reforms in the
state
since 1977 and
West
Bengal accounts for almost 50 per cent of all
beneficiaries of land
redistribution in post-independence India.
In West Bengal,
84 per cent of land is owned by small (2.5 acres to 5
acres) and marginal farmers (less than 2.5 acres) today, while the
all-India
figure is only 43 per cent. When contrasted with this, large holdings
(more
than 25 acres) accounted for merely 0.003 per cent of holdings and
operated
only 0.05 per cent of the total cultivable land. Around 56 per cent of
the
total beneficiaries of land redistribution in West
Bengal
were dalits and adivasis. They also comprised over 41 per cent of the
registered sharecroppers. Till date, over 5.35 lakh women have been
given joint
pattas and 1.57 lakh women given individual pattas (ownership rights
over
land). Proportion of land owned by Muslims in West
Bengal
is the highest among all the Indian states. It is this fact that drew
the
attention of B P Mandal and West Bengal
land reforms�
record as well as its emancipatory role in overcoming caste oppression
has been
documented by the Mandal Commission. Even when under neo-liberal
economic
Policies there has been an increase in landlessness in most states, in West Bengal an additional 95,000 acres of land
was
acquired in the 1990s under the land reform legislation and 94,000
acres
redistributed. These figures for the decade of the 1990s account for
almost all
the land acquired and over 40 per cent of the land redistributed in the
entire
country.
The
democratisation of the countryside through the panchayats threw up a
new
stratum of leaders from hitherto oppressed backgrounds and the
political
domination of the erstwhile village elite, including landlords and
moneylenders
was decisively broken. Panchayats also played a major role in the
effective
implementation of land reforms. They exposed benami land holdings,
identified surplus
land and also ensured that the legal rights of recipients of vested
land and sharecroppers
over land were not compromised. The panchayats were involved in the
disbursal
of institutional credit for the beneficiaries of land reforms and also
for the
sharecroppers. The rural poor and socially deprived groups like dalits
and adivasis, as well as women soon played a dominating role in the
elected
bodies. In most
Indian villages a major
share of land is monopolised by a few families and whoever gets elected
invariably came from the landed class and in many cases these sections
also
divided themselves among different parties and retained power within
their
families. In West Bengal, the
panchayat
elections were not mere tokenism and it has brought the villages under
the
control of the poor and oppressed irrespective of which Party emerged
victorious. The
proportions of dalit and adivasi panchayat representatives in all
the three tiers were over 37 per
cent and 7 per cent respectively, well over their share in
population. It
is noteworthy that over 35
per
cent of the gram panchayat
members are
women.
The achievements of West
Bengal in agriculture on the basis of these reforms
demolish the argument of agricultural experts and economists that the
small
landholdings are detrimental to enhancing productivity. Under Left
Front, food
grains production has grown at the rate of 6 per cent per annum, which
is the
highest among seventeen most populous states of India.
It has transformed from a
food deficit state witnessing famines and food riots to a leading food
producer
in the country. It is the topmost producer of rice, vegetables and fish
in India.
There
has also been significant expansion of irrigated land area through
small and
minor irrigation projects.
The
face of villages in West Bengal is
far
different from the villages of most other states because of the
strategy of
�walking on two legs� and the
political commitment of the Left Front government under the leadership
of Comrade
Jyoti Basu to pursue it genuinely. There is a general refrain that we
hear in
the villages of states like Tamilnadu where I come from: �Whether
Rama rules or Ravana, Moghuls rule or the British, the
Landlord remains our ruler�. This is a reference to the unchanging
nature
of the hierarchical relations in the rural countryside irrespective of
who
rules at the centre and also an indicator as to how the monopoly over
land
determines power equations in the countryside. This is the reality in
our
villages and in most parts of India
it remains so even after 60 years of Independence.
The Left governments in West Bengal,
Kerala
and Tripura are the exceptions to this rule and their record on land
reforms as
well as political empowerment through panchayati raj is impeccable.
It is
as
the helmsman of a collective that brought about these radical
transformations
that Comrade Jyoti Basu
is loved
and respected and he shall forever continue to live amidst the peasants
and the
toiling masses for that. His mark on the minds of people remains
indelible. I
remember him for his unstinted commitment to the liberation of the
oppressed
and his consistency in pursuing that commitment to its logical
culmination.